by Hudson Sidwell
Over the last 20 years, the increasing globalisation has resulted in a rapid influx of migratory flows, especially around the Mediterranean. As one of the most vulnerable groups, migrants are heavily impacted by smugglers, traffickers and members of organised crime groups, including the mafia. Italy, the country known as the birthplace of the mafia, also is facing a specific migration crisis, which has resulted in an interconnection between the mafia and migrants, as the former benefits off the vulnerability of mixed migration flows.
When discussing the topic of migration and mafia, it is important to use the term mixed migration (or migratory flows), as there is no universally accepted definition of migrant. As a result, mixed migration is an umbrella term which is used to include all intricacies and people despite their legal standing, as they can all be affected by the mafia. The International Organisation for Migration also highlighted that this term should be preferred as it is more neutral (Carolina).
The mafia is mainly able to profit off of the increased mixed migration flows through their control of the reception centres. For example, Cosa Nostra, the Sicilian mafia, was the first to see a business opportunity in the establishment of reception centres around the island, and as a result utilised them to fortify their influence but also gain economic benefits. Cara Di Mineo, a key migrant centre in Europe, was targeted by Cosa Nostra, who incorporated the migrants living there into mafia-related criminal enterprises around Sicily. Ultimately, the mafia controlling these centres would take advantage of refugees and migrants by either employing them for unpaid labour or illegal activities, including prostitution.
The biggest case of mafia infiltrating reception centres is with the ‘Mafia Capitale’ trial, in which a member of the Italian board on immigration was accused of accepting bribes in regard to the distribution of migrant centres, as the mafia would benefit from the management of these centres. In 2014, the investigation found that a criminal group had been running Rome’s municipal government for years, and had also infiltrated the asylum centres across the country by buying and selling the names and details of migrants who had come through and long since disappeared, in order to continue the per-person state funding (Nadeau, 2018). Salvatore Buzzi, one of the alleged bosses of the group, was even caught on wiretap during bragging about how much money he made as a result of infiltrating this system, saying “Do you have any idea how much I earn on immigrants? They’re more profitable than drugs” (Nadeau, 2018), encapsulating how critical the mafia view migrants in the successful running of their organisations.
Additionally, the influence of Italian mafia over mixed migration flows was also strengthened due to their transnational alliances with other organised crime groups, such as the Nigerian Black Axe, a criminal network born in the late 1970s which later became a full-fledged mafia association. The Nigerian mafia have an extensive alliance with Italian mafia syndicates, which has amplified the associations between mafia and migrants. The Black Axe specifically has established themselves in the historic district of Ballarò, one of the oldest markets in Palermo. It is possible to understand that migrants were a strong target, as their vulnerability combined with the state’s inability to provide adequate protection made them easy prey for organised crime. Specifically, Nigerian migrants are already approached by members of the organisation at the reception centres, which is when they are invited to join (with refusing not being an option) in exchange for economic benefits. On the other hand, women are not offered memberships but are rather forced into prostitution rings which are managed by the Black Axe in Sicily. The Black Axe specifically also helps to continue the migratory flows by bringing migrants to Italy, as they convince young girls to leave Nigeria in exchange for a job, but once they arrive are instead inserted into the prostitution industry.
The consequences of the mafia having this integral control over migrants go beyond only getting them involved in organised crime, but have larger socio-political effects. Following the mafia’s influence over the Cara Di Mineo centre, they were forced to close, even though it used to house 4000 people. Consequently, the closure of this centre reduces the aid and support that can be provided to vulnerable individuals who need shelter once arriving in Italy. Ultimately, it is understandable that the government places focus on the migrants as the danger, rather than the mafia, which avoids the implementation of effective security policies targeting connections with the mafia.
Therefore, governments, such as the Italian one, need to help protect vulnerable migrants and refugees, including addressing their primary needs, while also continuing to confront mafia associations. The solution to the mafia’s exploitation of the European migration crisis must have the capacity to continue criminalising the mafia’s actions, while simultaneously safeguarding the legal protections and human rights of migrants. Ultimately, the Italian mafia plays a role which goes beyond simply the criminal illegal realm, by manipulating fragments of legal activities which dictate the lives of migrants.
Bibliography
Carolina. “How Does the Italian Mafia Affect Mixed Migration?” E-International Relations, 16 Jan. 2023, www.e-ir.info/2023/01/16/how-does-the-italian-mafia-affect-mixed-migration/. Accessed 22 Feb. 2024.
ClingendaelInstitute. “Organised Crime and Migration in Sicily.” Clingendael, 4 Mar. 2018, www.clingendael.org/publication/organised-crime-and-migration-sicily.
Nadeau, Barbie Latza. ““Migrants Are More Profitable than Drugs”: How the Mafia Infiltrated Italy’s Asylum System.” The Guardian, 1 Feb. 2018, www.theguardian.com/news/2018/feb/01/migrants-more-profitable-than-drugs-how-mafia-infiltrated-italy-asylum-system.